Panchayat
elections have been notified in Madhya Pradesh and with this will begin another
round of the intensification of centralised politics in the State. Paradoxical as it may
seem, Panchayati Raj as it is practised in this State, especially the process
of elections, actually strengthens the centralised system of oppressive
governance, rather than promoting decentralised self rule. In centralised
democratic systems due to the large numbers of people, it is not possible to
have direct democracy with everyone participating in decision making. That is
why there are elections to choose representatives to law making bodies and
executives. However, if the unit of governance is small then there is no need
for representatives and all the members of the general body can meet
periodically to take decisions regarding their governance and development resulting in true mass self rule.
Thus, ideally the third tier of governance in India, Panchayati Raj, when it
was made compulsory through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1993, should
have been based on direct democracy with small governance units of twenty to
thirty households that normally constitute a locality in a village. Instead, a
replica of the centralised representative system was foisted on Panchayats also
with election of a Sarpanch as the leader and Panches or ward members as the other members of the executive, from a Gram Sabha or general body. This general body consisted of several villages so that it became difficult for the Gram Sabha
to meet regularly and transact governance and development on a regular basis.
Once the executive is separated from the general body then the doors are opened
for all kinds of skullduggery that we so frequently see in centralised systems
where the elected representatives are only nominally accountable to the
electorate as they are in reality beholden to the moneybags who fund their
expensive elections. The same process of corruption has entrenched itself into
Panchayati Raj and the Sarpanches and Panches are more interested in embezzling
funds ably supported by the bureaucracy and the higher level elected
representatives. In fact, there is a patron client relationship between the
higher level politicians and the local politicians at the Panchayat level and
they all work together to disempower the masses. Each Panchayat election further reinforces
this corrupt system of indirect governance as the money to be expended to win
elections increases with time and so the newly elected representatives are more inclined to defalcate funds and act against the interests of the people.
The
extent to which Panchayati Raj has devastated communitarian collective action
can be gauged from a recent story. The Barela Adivasis, a subtribe of the Bhils,
of Jamasi village in Dewas district are preparing to celebrate the Indal
festival. The Indal festival is celebrated by the Bhils periodically to give
thanks to their Gods for ensuring good harvests. Every few years a family must
celebrate the Indal and while worshipping their Gods also give a feast to the
whole community. This, traditionally, was a way of distributing surpluses that
may have been accumulated by a household to the community and thus maintaining
equality and also strengthening community bonds. Normally the Indal is celebrated in February
or later once the farms have been cleared of their monsoon and winter crops and
there is enough space for people to dance during the night long festivities.
But this particular family had cleared a farm that had a standing crop of
cotton and was preparing to celebrate Indal early. When asked why they were
doing so, they said that with Panchayat elections slated for January, they were
forced to prepone their celebration. Many candidates from the village would be
contesting for the posts of Sarpanch and Panch and so there would be tremendous
campaigning against each other. Typically the elections created great animosity
among different localities in the village which lasted for a year or more.
Thus, if the Indal were to be held after the elections, very few people would
come to participate in the festivities as the animosity generated during the
elections would be fresh. This would defeat the whole purpose of the Indal, as
community participation in the festivities is as much a criterion for the
success of the Indal as the worship rituals. There could not be a more telling
comment than this on the way in which Panchayati Raj has broken up the traditional
community, especially so in tribal areas in which community cooperation has been a way of life.
The
Khedut Mazdoor Chetna Sangath enthusiastically jumped into the electoral fray
in 1989 when elections for Sarapanches and Panches was introduced in Madhya
Pradesh well before the Constitutional Amendment in 1993. Many Panches,
Sarpanches and block representatives were elected from the organisation, some unopposed.
However, very soon they all became corrupt because they found it more
profitable to accept the enticements provided by the Panchayat bureaucracy and the mainstream politicians, than to meet the demands of the electorate. So the organisation decided to work
to empower the Gram Sabha instead of fight elections from the next time onwards
and that is what it has been doing. From 2005 onwards with the implementation of the
MGNREGA and the Forest Rights Act and now the provisions of the National Rural
Health Mission, Right to Education Act and Food Security Act, the Gram Sabha
has become very powerful on paper and
the KMCS works to make it powerful on the ground also. So much so that it does
not matter any more as to who is the Sarpanch or Panch is in KMCS areas as the
Gram Sabha is powerful enough to bypass them completely. In the forty to fifty villages where it has a strong base, the Panches and Sarpanches are all members of the KMCS but they have been elected on their own without any backing from the organisation and instead have had to rely on the support garnered from their dual membership of mainstream political parties. They have to listen to the Gram Sabha and if they don't they get sidelined.
The provisions of the
Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas Act as incorporated in the Madhya Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, make the tribal Gram Sabha even more
powerful if it can be registered separately as an institution in every small
tribal hamlet. The KMCS has initiated a process for this legal registration but
the administration is stonewalling it and it will require moving the High Court
by and by. The KMCS has already used the provisions to stall many projects of the Government aimed at displacing tribals but once the Gram Sabha in the small hamlet becomes a registered entity it will become a legal entity and make it easier for people to establish self rule. All this just shows how true self rule requires a persistent effort to make the Gram Sabha more powerful instead of participating in the Panchayat elections and making efforts to get the present form of Panchayati Raj to work in favour of the people in the face of forces that can easily coopt the elected representatives to sabotage attempts at building up the strength of the Gram Sabha.
It
is in this context that one has to see the futility of the move by some
organisations in Madhya Pradesh to initiate a Swashasan Abhiyan or self rule
campaign around participation in elections and the election of honest and accountable Sarpanches and Panches. A regional training workshop was held recently in Kukshi by the
campaign with the KMCS as one of the hosts. Those members of the KMCS who were keen on fighting elections attended the training. For the record let it be known that there are many people in the KMCS who want to fight elections including some of its leading activists as they feel the KMCS, being a small entity, cannot really fight the dominant system. The training concentrated on
teaching people how to file nominations for the various elected posts and then
explained what were the powers of Panches and Sarpanches. Many members of the KMCS
pointed out that this was like playing into the hands of the established
centralised system and getting co-opted by it instead of truly fighting for
swashasan or self rule which could only be possible if there was direct
democracy as experience had shown that some of the best grassroots activists of the organisation had become corrupt after being elected. Thus, the charade of self rule gets perpetuated in many ways by the machinations of the dominant centralised system and difficult as it is a counter movement for direct democracy through the Gram Sabhas has to be built up.
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