Anarcho-environmentalism allegorised

The name Anaarkali in the present context has many meanings - Anaar symbolises the anarchism of the Bhils and kali which means flower bud in Hindi stands for their traditional environmentalism. Anaar in Hindi can also mean the fruit pomegranate which is said to be a panacea for many ills as in the Hindi idiom - "Ek anar sou bimar - One pomegranate for a hundred ill people"! - which describes a situation in which there is only one remedy available for giving to a hundred ill people and so the problem is who to give it to. Thus this name indicates that anarcho-environmentalism is the only cure for the many diseases of modern development! Similarly kali can also imply a budding anarcho-environmentalist movement. Finally according to a legend that is considered to be apocryphal by historians Anarkali was the lover of Prince Salim who was later to become the Mughal emperor Jehangir. Emperor Akbar did not approve of this romance of his son and ordered Anarkali to be bricked in alive into a wall in Lahore in Pakistan but she escaped. Allegorically this means that anarcho-environmentalists can succeed in bringing about the escape of humankind from the self-destructive love of modern development that it is enamoured of at the moment and they will do this by simultaneously supporting women's struggles for their rights.

Tuesday, June 30, 2020

The Bottom Up Perspective


The most fascinating aspect of India is its ethnic and cultural diversity. Throughout the millennia, even when there were from time to time strong and large empires covering the whole of the subcontinent, this diversity remained as these centralised states had only administrative and military control through outsourcing to feudal lords and kings at various levels, while day to day life and culture went on in a myriad ways across the Indian subcontinent. Thus, even if there was a centralised emperor ruling the whole of India there was no centralised monolithic bureaucracy extending from the centre of power to the remote villages and instead there was a system of autonomous units which paid taxes to the next higher level. That is why, even the long period of Mughal rule of over two centuries could not dent this autonomy and diversity at the grassroots. However, the British changed all that with the Government of India Act of 1858 transferring the power to rule India from the East India Company to the Crown. The British were clever enough to see that the revolt of 1857 had come so close to kicking them out precisely because many Indian kings and queens (The Rani of Jhansi being the great example of female valour) had retained considerable autonomy under Company rule. Therefore, through the Government of India Act, the British imposed a strong centralised bureaucratic system all over India and subsequently through other legislations like the Indian Penal Code, Criminal Procedure Code, Indian Forest Act and Land Acquisition Act, grassroots autonomy was severely curtailed. Strict surveillance of the hundreds of autonomous princely states was also done to see that they followed the same principles of centralised governance that the British introduced in the provinces directly ruled by them. An education system dominated by English was introduced which further marginalised diverse vernacular cultures.
The Savarna elite, which tasted the power of this centralisation after limited governance was given to them by the 1935 version of the Government of India Act, and the nascent Indian capitalist class which had made their millions through exploitation of the workers and peasants facilitated by the centralised British rule, saw virtue in continuing with this centralised system and so after independence it was adopted without any changes whatsoever for the running of the country. A highly centralised state apparatus was put in place and a "trickle down" approach to development was adopted completely sidelining the provision of universal school education, primary health, rural development and employment. Indigenous knowledge systems were ignored and local ecosystems were devastated for modern industrial development and instead of development trickling down what we have had in over seventy years of development is the appropriation of resources and labour for capital accumulation in cities and towns to the detriment of the vast rural areas of this country.
This complete neglect of a bottom up view of governance and development has resulted in a continuous botching up of policies and programmes, as I have detailed in many earlier posts and never more so than in the management of the COVID 19 pandemic recently. Very little was known of the disease when the first cases were detected in early March other than that it was highly infectious and fatal. Epidemiologists had on the basis of statistical modelling begun predicting that there would be millions of cases that would overwhelm the country's ricketty health infrastructure and so a national lockdown was imposed post haste on March 25th in a typically top down decision without taking into consideration what this would entail for 95 per cent of the population of this country who survive on daily wages and marginal agriculture. While the plight of the migrant workers eventually gained considerable media attention because of their desperate attempts to return home, those of the local workers did not because they at least had a place to stay and so remained invisible. In fact such a big decision as to completely close down a country, something that has never been done before, cannot succeed when taken in such a hasty and dictatorial manner. There should have been discussion and debate in which all the pros and cons of such a lockdown should have been weighed.
It became quite clear within a week of the lockdown that the disease was spreading only in a few cities and was absent elsewhere and especially in rural areas. Under the circumstances there should have been a review of the national lockdown and instead the decision to lockdown or not should have been left with the local governments and not even the state governments. Even within cities where the disease was spreading fast, only areas that were forming clusters should have been marked as containment zones and the rest of the city areas should have been freed. Instead the lockdown was continually extended again and again for a total period of nine weeks. By the end of this time the spread of the disease was not controlled by the lockdown as had been predicted by the epidemiologists but the economy, both of the country as a whole and  especially that of 95% of its households who do not have regular incomes, had been completely devastated. Governments, both at the centre and even more in the states, were faced with empty coffers, as without any economic activity they were not getting any taxes. So the lockdown had to be lifted and the spread of the disease has increased substantially over the last month since. A selective lockdown strategy containing only the hotspots right from the beginning as tried in Sweden would have been much more effective by concentrating resources and allowing economic activity to go on with proper distancing safeguards.
What is of even greater concern is that the police had been given extraordinary powers to keep people forcibly indoors and they misused it to their heart's content. There were innumerable instances of the police beating up and incarcerating people. I go out for a run in my colony in Indore at 5.30 am every day. Our colony and in fact the whole south eastern part of Indore where our colony is situated has not had a single case of COVID 19 even though there were several cases in the more central parts of the city. Yet one day two cops on a motorbike came to our colony at 5.30 am in the morning and threatened to beat me up with a baton if I did not go back into my house. Absurd as it is, the motto of the police was to beat up first and ask questions later. The most horrendous of such incidents is the beating to death of a father and son duo in Tamil Nadu recently allegedly for violation of lockdown rules and then the whole of the administration and government backing up the police who had committed this atrocity. 

It is only after the press and the High Court have taken cognisance that action has now been initiated against the guilty policemen. The fate of Jayaraj and his son Bennicks who have laid down their lives to this police brutality will haunt every thinking citizen of this country for quite a while. I at least have been deeply disturbed by their deaths as never before and I have seen quite a few brutalities in my time as an activist.
Thus, it is high time that we free ourselves from the malevolent British legacy of centralised rule, enforced through draconian policing and adopt a bottom up democratic perspective of governance and development which respects the immense diversity and knowledge that is there at the grassroots.  



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